“Confronting White Fear to Reclaim a Better Future”: Jeanelle D. Horcasitas on Roland S. Martin and Leah Lakins’s *White Fear: How the Browning of America is Making White Folks Lose Their Minds*

Roland S. Martin’s White Fear: How the Browning of America is Making White Folks Lose Their Minds is a captivating work that unapologetically confronts White Fear, Power, Privilege, and more. Martin time-travels between the past and present, to explain how embedded racism is in the fabric of U.S. society and politics, and the urgency to reverse it for people of color before it’s too late. In fact, Martin cites the 2018 Pew Research Study that states by 2043,  a majority of people of color will comprise the U.S., and “less than 47 percent of the country will be White Americans.”^[1] With only 20 years until this happens, the clock is ticking and White Fear tackles issues of voter suppression laws, underfunded universities, police brutality, and more, as some of the responses White Fear has manifested into oppression, discrimination, and violence against people of color, thus, preventing true equality for all.

Martin defines “White Fear” as White Americans who are resistant to sharing power or resources that can re-define the U.S.’s values and principles, especially for what the Constitution and Declaration of Independence is supposed to represent for everyone, regardless of race.^[2] White Fear is made up of four sections that explore how White Fear has been inherited for decades, being passed down to the next generation, and how it’s being championed by politicians like former president Donald Trump, in an effort to maintain power and control in a country that desperately needs to change.

In section one, “Igniting the Flame of White Fear,” Martin illuminates what helps fuel White Fear, which is “aggrieved White people being angry with any initiatives that helped Black people” such as with the Reconstruction Amendments (13, 14, and 15th), and that were then disenfranchised by legal racial segregation during Jim Crow—resulting in horrifying and oppressive acts of violence toward Black people.^[3] Today, Martin credits Trump with giving a voice to White Fear and re-igniting the fire, a strategy similar to President Ronald Reagan. This strategy is instilling the belief that White Americans are not receiving enough benefits when compared to people of color (such as jobs, welfare assistance, etc.). However, Martin disproves this theory by referencing research that determines those benefiting most from services like food insecurity and housing, are often White people.

In section two, “Defining the White Fear Manifesto,” Martin demystifies the concept of the “working class” as a term meant for the white working class, as a way to weaponize them for voting and outnumbering people of color who vote. Not only does White Fear mobilize White Americans to the polls to influence the outcome of the future, but Martin underscores how conservatives are even trying to re-write or erase the racist and horrific moments in America’s history by attacking Critical Race Theory. Martin refers to the Republican party as the “leader of White Fear,” and reflects that despite the election of a Black president, Barack Obama, we are far from a post-race society and there is a need for White people to recognize their impact and enact change for the benefit of an evolving world and society.^[4]

In section three, “Legislating and Regulating through White Fear,” Martin examines how racist and suppressive laws are maintained by those in power, and specifically those in the Supreme Court. This is why when more Black voters (especially Black women) were showing up to the polls, more voter suppression laws such as voter ID requirements or eliminating early voting options were enacted in response because as Martin states, “To maintain Whiteness, the Republican Party knows that they have to create barriers to keep people from voting.”^[5] Even though Martin urges more Black Republicans to help fight back against White Fear, he recognizes that politics is only part of systemic racism, because there’s still this enduring need to control the minds and bodies of people of color.

In the final section, “When White Fear Comes Knocking at the Door,” Martin illustrates the impact a quality education can have on African Americans, especially in helping them progress with income and class status, which is why Historically Black College Universities (HBCUs) play a vital role for the younger generation. Yet, access to this education is under attack because data shows HBCUs receive less federal funding than Predominantly White Institutions (PWIs). Moreover, Martin criticizes the hypocrisy of White Americans who are against affirmative action but refuse to acknowledge the injustices with legacy admissions. White Fear has also provoked the need to police Black and Brown bodies, with statistics mislabeling the killings of thousands of people of color by the police every year. Martin argues that for a truly just system, there needs to be complete reform at all levels, from the President, Senate, and Congress to District Attorneys, judges, and the police.

In sum, White Fear touches on many contentious topics and reminds us of the U.S.’s long history and present-day racism and oppression toward people of color. At its core, Martin’s work is a call to action for White people to come to terms with the reality that they will not be the majority for long, and that they must be the ones leading the charge for change and a more equitable society and future. He states the biggest step that White people need to take is to “remove yourself from your Whiteness and acknowledge that your Whiteness is real” and to reach beyond it.^[6] He urges people of color to also understand the bigger picture, and recognize that the actions taken today are formative in building better tomorrows. Overall, White Fear is a timely work to refresh Americans’ memories of what’s happened for decades leading up to our present day, and how we can enact meaningful change together, especially in anticipation of the upcoming election year.

^[1] Martin, 1.

^[2] Martin, 2-3.

^[3] Martin, 11-12

^[4] Martin, 83.

^[5] Martin, 103

^[6] Martin, 144.