U.S. Intellectual History Blog

À Propos of Nothing, Thomas Jefferson’s Thoughts on Nepotism

Thomas Jefferson’s most famous entanglement with the tricky politics of filling offices will always be related to “the new appointments which Mr. A crowded in with whip & spur from the 12th of Dec. when the event of the election was known”—that is, the “midnight” appointments made by John Adams to lock in Federalist control of many judgeships before the Democratic-Republicans could take over in 1801.[1] But in the heat of this battle over partisan scheming, Jefferson also took a moment to deal with another potential source of corruption: nepotism.

Jefferson wrote the following in an effusive 1801 letter to his first cousin once removed George:

The public will never be made to believe that an appointment of a relative is made on the ground of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views; nor can they ever see with approbation offices, the disposal of which they entrust to their Presidents for public purposes, divided out as family property. Mr. Adams degraded himself infinitely by his conduct on this subject, as Genl. Washington had done himself the greatest honor. With two such examples to proceed by, I should be doubly inexcusable to err. It is true that this places the relations of the President in a worse situation than if he were a stranger, but the public good, which cannot be effected if it’s confidence is lost, requires this sacrifice.

George had written to Jefferson (henceforth TJ, just to keep things clear) to insist upon his desire not to be considered for an office, a position which TJ considered to be a “just, disinterested & honorable point of view.” Years later, though, George’s brother John Garland Jefferson also wrote to TJ about the problems of nepotism; Garland, it seems, worried that TJ suspected that he—unlike his brother George—had been less disinterested. Garland wanted to set the record straight, but in doing so, he prompted TJ to expound upon his antipathy toward nepotism once again.

In a government like ours it is the duty of the Chief-magistrate, in order to enable himself to do all the good which his station requires, to endeavor, by all honorable means, to unite in himself the confidence of the whole people. This alone, in any case where the energy of the nation is required, can produce an union of the powers of the whole, and point them in a single direction, as if all constituted but one body & one mind: and this alone can render a weaker nation unconquerable by a stronger one. Towards acquiring the confidence of the people the very first measure is to satisfy them of his disinterestedness, & that he is directing their affairs with a single eye to their good, & not to build up fortunes for himself & family: & especially that the officers appointed to transact their business, are appointed because they are the fittest men, not because they are his relations. So prone are they to suspicion that where a President appoints a relation of his own, however worthy, they will believe that favor, & not merit, was the motive. I therefore laid it down as a law of conduct for myself never to give an appointment to a relation. Had I felt any hesitation in adopting this rule examples were not wanting to admonish me what to do, and what to avoid.

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I have been unable to gather my thoughts sufficiently to complete part two of my discussion of Lincoln’s free labor ideas; I hope to do so next week.

Notes

[1] TJ to Henry Knox, March 27, 1801.